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20120901
20120930
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judiciary led the way to social equality, racial equality in the united states. and it was not just the appointments of earl warren and oral brennan to the supreme court, but the host of liberal republicans such as the president appointed himself like albert title of georgia and john of louisiana. these were the judges that were in the vanguard of the civil rights struggle. but the most significant judicial appointment i think that eisenhower made at that time is that of john marshall hall of the great conservative justice and just after the landmark decision in brown v board of education. shortly after that decision came down, justice robert jackson died leaving the vacancy on the court, and at that point roosevelt turned to the grandson of the great marshall harlem who would be the only dissenter in percy versus ferguson and 1896, the case legalized segregation by appointing the great dissenter eisenhower was making a statement he could not have adored. he said eisenhower was going to enforce it. when the segregation attempted to swap the integration in little rock eisenhower sent
that the united states has to survive. it has to survive to show the world that the representative governments can work. the kids in 1848 in a series of revolutions in europe as they see it a failed as the democratic revolution, and so they see the united states this is it, the world's last shot. it has to work your order will never be tried again. so the states think they can destroy the government which is how the unions see it because they don't like to get elected. they said self-government doesn't work, so we have to prove that the thing can survive and that's how they start. but you don't have to be in a very long before they begin to think why do they get into this to begin with? talk to this virus and slaves -- southerners and slaves and they got into the problem to begin with because the institution of slavery. if you want to solve a problem, the only way to do it is to root out the cause. so union soldiers made a shift much earlier than i had anticipated. the big shift begins in the summer of 1861 with soldiers beginning to write home to their families and elected officials to say that i
to social equality, racial equality in the united states. and it was not just the appointments of earl warren and william brennan to supreme court. it was a host of liberal republicans that roosevelt appointed himself. men like elbert tuttle of georgia and john wants in a louisiana. these were the judges that were in the vanguard of the civil rights struggle. but the most significant judicial appointment, i think, that eisenhower made at the time, was that of john marshall harlan, great conservative justice, just after the court's landmark decision in brown versus board of education. certainly after that decision came down, justice robert jackson died, leaving a vacancy on the court. at that point, roosevelt turned to harlem, who is the grandson of the great john marshall harlan, who had been the only dissenter in 1896, a place that utilized segregation, by pointing harlem, the main gate of the great dissenter, eisenhower was making a statement of the south could not ignore. desegregation was the law of the land and eisenhower was going to enforce it. when a mob attempted to block it,
or iran or turkey invoking the greatness of their own power and impact and the united states tends to be more future oriented but in this particular case you found that the trauma of the hostage crisis and in the iranian revolution is still very formative and the - of americans who are responsible for the iran policy. >> guest: it is. ambassador ryan crocker told me one time in an interview that they are the most historical were the least historical society. and in this case i think there's still certainly every time they have a negotiation including the most recent one in moscow during the whole litany of grievances, so it is always on their mind. whether the u.s. policy makers realize it or not, the are too. the first years after the revolution clearly the hostage issue was for most american policy makers mind. if the iran contra happens that causes the relationship with the next prior risk and we saw it happen to ronald reagan and over a series of instances where they have spurred u.s. efforts to the rapprochement. there's a great example like to give just on this idea of the mo
, to be honest, it eliminates from the united states senate the right to use filibuster on a bill that has it because the bill is a budget bill. senator robert byrd, the only thing he ever agree to that he was sorry he did was the budget act because he found that he had to agree that reconciliation made affirmative bills not subject to filibuster and subject to limited amendments with limited time. you don't have those problems in the house. you do it by rules. but in the senate they are the beginning and the end of one package. is that right? and jeff have limited time. and you can't have filibusters. so if you can do that and get these are ranged where they fit within that nomenclature and that definition, then the question is, if the leadership wants to fix the country bad enough they will help to get it started. [inaudible] i stand on the proposition that the majority of the leaders, majority of house members, democrat and republican, and the majority of senators, democrat and republican, are just as frightened as we are about the country going bankrupt and losing the big sovereign dol
american forces, became two-term president of the united states and the for some reason the los angeles press corps was paralyzed in place. so i stepped forward and i began asking questions of what i called, general eisenhower. i didn't call him the president because, to me had always been a general. we had really good exchange. and in which he said he wanted reagan to run as a favorite son in six at this it. -- '68. you thought that with be good for the party around good for the country. that was in his own way a shot at rich richard nixon. >> guest: boom, you write, one minute ike and man in gray flannel suit in the lonely crowd and next minute, tune on, tune in, drop out, time for we shall overcome and burn baby burn. while americans were walking on the moon, americans were dying in vietnam. there were assassinations and riots. jackie kennedy became jackie o. ty e-die shirts rpt martin luther king, jr. george wallace, tom hayden and. mick jagger and wayne newton. well you get the idea, boom. >> guest: i don't want to overstate this seldom in our recent history at least has there been
the very stylish, 34-year-old first lady of the united states surrounded by all these dashing people and then that came to an end. and the war began to heat up and suddenly the country seemed, seemed to come unhinged in a way. all the values of the world war ii generation come home with challenged within their own families. institutions of government, place of government in our lives. the idea of loyaltity and patriotism all went out the window. civil rights movement went from nonviolent movement led by dr. king depending on rule of law, it went to the streets. you know, violence in america is as as american as cherry pie. so it was a, it was a head-snapping time. there was no question about it and the fact that we emerged from it and reasonably good shape is still fairly astonishing to me. it is a real tribute to the tense aisle strength of this country in a lot of ways. >> host: i began my marriage, tom brokaw writes and my career as journalist in 1962, a straight arrow product of the 1960s. by the time decade was over i had my first taste of the marijuana, i had long hair and week
Search Results 0 to 6 of about 7